BLACK POLITICAL REPRESENTATION IN BRITAIN - THEN AND NOW
H
|
ow things change over time. Some people, probably
especially the
younger generations, might not think enough changes have been made, or that it
has not been fast enough. but, just under 30 years ago, Britain did not have a
single Member of Parliament from her minority ethnic, or, according to
contemporary classification, her Black and Minority Ethnic population.
W
|
hereas before 1987, there was not a single Black or Brown face
amongst the 650 Members of Parliament, today, May 2016, there are 41 BME
Members of Parliament, with 27 of them being Labour Party MPs, and 16 belonging
to the Conservatives, and one being a Scottish National Party member.
A
|
s I have said, for some people, this kind of significant political
change might not seem to be large or fast enough, while for others, such as
those who fear the increasing demographical diversity of Britain, it might be too
much change too fast. Let us, however, be positive and on work on the
premis that the changes which have been effected in empowering Black Britons to
have the level of political representation which they now have in Parliament is
to be welcome, and then let us consider how this advancement came about.
I
|
believe that much of the
progress which Britain has made in accommodating and politically empowering her
BME populations, has its foundation in the turbulent years of the 1980s. Those
were the years when we had the Conservative Prime Minister, Mrs M Thatcher
uttering the immortal words, that "there are no racialists in the
Conservative Party." They were the years during which the Conservatives
planned and later executed their play to remove their political opponents by
abolishing the Greater London Council and other regional councils, from whom
they were facing stiff opposition in creating the kind of country they wanted
Britain to become. Those were the years when the Labour Party had to contend
with and was shaken by the demands to have Black Sections within the Party,
similar to those in the main unions, which could better articulate the
political demands for challenging racism in Britain, and empowering her Black
citizenry. It was the time when aspiring Black Labour Party parliamentary
candidates like Keith Vaz and Diane Abbott were busily supporting and seeking
the support of black and white political activists.
I
|
t was in the early 1980s when someone wrote to The Guardian to
cite the fact that Britain's black population was similar in size to the
population of Jamaica, but with there being not a single Black Member of
Parliament.. It was the time when, on the then Black on Black/Eastern Eye LWT
programme, a questioner put the proposition for Black Proportional
Representation to the then Conservative MP, John Wheeler, on 07/06/1983,
resulting in him dismissing it, and arguing that the colour of ones' skin
should not be an important factor in deciding who is elected to Parliament, and
then stating the obvious; that an MP should represents all his/her
constituents. Of course, it was not surprising that John Wheeler should have
dealt with the proposition so dismissively, considering that the leader of his
Party had already commented that their were no racist in the Party.
S
|
o, to those who are now enjoying the fruits of the struggle of
preceding political activist and other ordinary people who have decided to join
the on-going struggle for the economic, social and political advancement of
Britain's black population, as well as the disenfranchised or less enfranchised
sections of the general population, do remember that a price has been paid for
the progress made. And that, unless this price is continued to be paid, by the
current and future generations continuing to exercise their political duty to
advocate and vote for continuing improvement, the gains which have been made
could easily be lost.
Comments